The Heart of the Democratic Party Still Stands with Israel and Against Antisemitism
By Brian Romick
In moments of grief, fear, and uncertainty, it’s easy to mistake the loudest voices for the largest coalition. Over the past two years, especially after the horrors of October 7, many have concluded that the Democratic Party is drifting toward hostility to Israel and indifference to antisemitism. Some Jewish Democrats understandably feel alienated, even “politically homeless.” I hear this sentiment constantly.
But the story of today’s Democratic Party is more complicated than that simplistic view, which also makes me more hopeful.
I won’t pretend that antisemitism and extreme anti-Israel rhetoric aren’t present on parts of the left. They are. They are disturbing, unacceptable, and deeply painful. But it is a mistake—one with real consequences—to conflate a loud, highly online activist minority with the broad mainstream of Democratic voters and elected leaders. The evidence simply does not support the idea that hostility toward Israel defines the Democratic Party.
In fact, it overwhelmingly shows the opposite.
DMFI’s new national poll shows that far from abandoning Israel, Democratic voters want to keep the alliance: a 56% majority believe the United States should maintain its alliance with Israel, and three-quarters say Israel has a right to exist as a Jewish homeland, with 55% feeling strongly and only 12% disagreeing. This is not a party turning its back on Israel. It is a party committed to Israel’s security and to the U.S.-Israel partnership.
In addition, the electorate—not the loudest activists—defines the party. A handful of elected officials have embraced rhetoric that is hostile to Israel, dismissive of Jewish trauma, or blind to the reality of Hamas. That rhetoric deserves condemnation. It is wrong on the merits and corrosive to the values Democrats have long championed.
But the claim that the Democratic Party accepts antisemitism does not withstand scrutiny.
In race after race, voters have rejected anti-Israel extremism and supported candidates who stand firmly with Israel.
In Virginia and New Jersey, Democrats nominated Abigail Spanberger and Mikie Sherrill for governor, and both went on to win resounding victories, demonstrating that the moderate wing of the party, which has long stood with Israel, remains dominant.
And in Minneapolis, voters decisively rejected a challenger running on an aggressively anti-Israel platform, showing that even in deep-blue urban areas, the anti-Israel far-left does not represent the electorate.
These outcomes were not flukes. They reflect the electorate’s center of gravity: Democratic voters want moral clarity on antisemitism, support for Israel’s security, and a refusal to excuse terrorism.
Further, the party’s leaders—both those in Congress and those aspiring to the presidency—continue to articulate an unambiguous commitment to Israel’s safety and the U.S.–Israel alliance. The idea that pro-Israel Democrats are being “pushed out” of the party is at odds with reality. They continue to lead the Democratic coalition.
On the other hand, we see antisemitism on the right not just existing among some fringe elements, but seeping into the leadership and mainstream of the Republican party. Today, the most visible and influential sources of right-wing antisemitism are not backbenchers—they are leaders of the Republican Party itself.
We have seen President Trump hosting Nick Fuentes, a Holocaust-denying white supremacist, at Mar-a-Lago, and refusing to condemn him afterward. Trump has repeatedly praised and defended Kanye West even after explicit antisemitic tirades, and he continues to invoke classic antisemitic tropes about Jewish “dual-loyalty.” More recently, Trump invoked antisemitic tropes when talking about the supposed “Jewish lobby” at a Hanukkah celebration.
Vice President JD Vance has given a platform to Tucker Carlson, who has spewed anti-Israel conspiracy theories and antisemitic hate. When Vance was asked a question at an event at Ole Miss that was full of antisemitic conspiracy theories, he declined to push back. He also minimized the group chat of Young Republicans who were joking about the Holocaust. And just last week, Vance downplayed and even normalized the existence of antisemitism on the right, saying, “I don’t see some simmering antisemitism that’s exploding.”
This is not the fringe viewpoint. This is the leadership of the Republican Party.
I understand why many American Jews have felt shaken. I understand the sense of abandonment some have felt watching certain protests or hearing certain slogans. These emotions are real and justified. But we should not mistake the noise for the signal.
The Democratic Party is not perfect. But the Democratic Party’s commitment to Israel and to fighting antisemitism is far stronger—and far broader—than the conversation on social media might lead one to believe. It is reflected in the data, in the voting booth, in the leadership of the party, and in the convictions of millions of ordinary Democrats who want to see Israel secure, Hamas defeated, antisemitism confronted, and peace made possible.
That is the party we have. And it is the party worth fighting for.